Three broad models of moral economies of housing emerge: the first, during the Soviet period, where equal access to housing was nominally in return for labour the second, during the early Republican period when pro-Kazakh policies favoured previously marginalised ethnic Kazakhs, and, the third, in the period 2004 – 2008, when the country’s wealth increased, before the financial crash and the plunging value of the local currency. This article tracks housing protests in Kazakhstan’s former capital city, Almaty, from 1989 to 2016 for what they reveal about shifting ideas of rights and obligations between citizens and state. By placing fine-grained ethnographic analysis in conversation with the political economy of housing, we redefine housing as an essentially contested domain where competing understandings of citizenship are constructed, fought over and acted out. People claim allegiances to particular moral communities, thus (re)constituting themselves as deserving of secure tenure and proper homes, often in the face of stigma, laws or policies that construct them as the very reverse.
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Citizens try to make their demands for adequate and safe housing heard, but such aspirations are often undermined by, political rhetoric, state officials, loan terms and the law. Thompson's concept of moral economy, this special issue addresses these questions and considers how contemporary moral economies of housing play out.
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Yet questions over access to, plus the redistribution and maintenance of secure housing have only recently begun to be considered anthropologically. Struggles over housing are one of the most pressing social, economic and political issues of our time. Lastly, I offer a morally based rather than legally based analysis of corruption and argue that, in the case examined here, corruption can contravene bureaucracy by restoring the humanity that bureaucracy rejects through its acts of indifference toward individuals.
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I further argue that corruption within Amazonian economies is commonly perceived by non-indigenous people as contrasting with the workings of the orthodox economy without proper consideration of the economic conditions and bureaucratic structures that give rise to it. I suggest that within such a context these idioms are not solely confined to the informal economy but are also used to refer to activities that fall within the formal economy, thus providing an indication for how the orthodox economy is imagined. I argue that these idioms are part of a broader context in which indigenous people are compelled by a variety of factors to act in ways that are perceived as corrupt by other non-indigenous actors. This article focuses on local idioms of extra-legal economic activity among indigenous Amazonians in eastern Peru. En este capítulo busco también salvar la contradicción existenteĮntre teorías discursivas y materialistas del cuerpo amazónico.
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Propongo que la interpretación cotidiana de un determinado papel construye estereotipos y conocimientos género-específicos, que acaban siendo finalmente percibidos como el reflejo de las diferencias anatómicas en el nivel del sexo. Aunque reconozco la importancia de las categorías de género basadas en la anatomía, expresadas en yawe («hombre») yĮpona («mujer»), considero importante enfatizar la forma en la que el género como parte esencial de la identidad es «actuado» (performed) y vivido (Butler 1988, 1990, 1993 Epstein y Straub 1992 Garber 1992). Con el fin de abordar la cuestión del conflicto social y el género, me baso inicialmente en las ideas de Rubin y Butler, analizando las ideologías Ese Eja sobre sexo y género, y los aspectos corporales y performativos de la personeidad (personhood) asociados al género. Enmarco esto, a su vez, dentro del contexto más amplio del papel que las mujeres juegan dentro de mundos cada vez más híbridos. Empiezo con un pequeño relato etnográfico, a manera de ilustración del gran poder social que las mujeres ejercen y el matiz profundo que el género impone a la expresión social de conflicto. En este artículo presento una discusión y análisis sobre género en la Amazonía sudoccidental, tal y como se presenta en las comunidades Ese Eja bolivianas y peruanas.